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On the occasion of the 6th meeting of the International Labour Network of Solidarity and
Struggles, scheduled to take place in Chianciano Terme (Siena) from 13 to 16 November,
SIAL Cobas will present three contributions. The first text outlines the founding principles
and daily practice of our union, which is based on self-organisation and direct
management by workers, against all forms of exploitation and discrimination. The second
offers an overview of the trade union situation in Italy, marked by growing precariousness,
wage inequalities and restrictions on freedom of representation, but also by vivid
experiences of resistance. The third explores the education and personal services sector,
where contractual fragmentation and the outsourcing of services require a collective
response: the insourcing and recognition of the public value of educational work. With
these three contributions, we want to fuel debate, including at an international level,
convinced that only unity and solidarity among workers can build a real alternative to the
logic of profit and capital.
TEXT 1. SIAL Cobas presentation
Good day everyone. The SIAL Cobas union has chosen a small puzzle piece as its symbol. We
consider ourselves just a small part of the union that our country’s working class needs today, and
for which we work. We do not believe we alone are the solution to the problems facing the working class. We have
much to learn from existing organizational experiences, and in fact we are available at any time to
transcend ourselves and unite with anyone who, through a united and democratic approach, can
work with us and with and among workers to rediscover and build a new, democratic, worker-led
union, and a union practice that starts with workers’ needs and interests. We draw on the
experience of the Workers’ Councils union, which from 1970 to 1985 in Italy elected worker
delegates within the company and for homogeneous groups on a blank ballot, not tied to union
acronyms (one vote per person), and composed the Factory Council (CdF). This type of body was
therefore more responsive to workers than to union acronyms, and we believe it remains the most
suitable tool for enabling workers’ self-organization.
Sial Cobas was born within the history and struggles of grassroots and alternative trade unionism
in this country. We consider self-organization and self-management as ways for wage labor to
wage social conflict and as criteria to inspire—and consistently practice—in designing the contours
of a future society that is just, free from all forms of exploitation, oppression, discrimination, and
violence. We are, in our small but significant and useful reality, a class-based, democratic,
participatory, and inclusive union, committed to the affirmation of gender policies against all forms
of discrimination and exclusion, against sexism and homophobia, against racism, the exploitation
of migrant labor, corruption, and environmental devastation. In Italy, our commitment to the
workplace is intertwined with territorial demands, from the Susa Valley to the Land of Fires in
Campania, to the No Bridge movement in Sicily. We oppose rearmament and colonialism, and we
stand alongside indigenous peoples.
We are committed to proposing to all trade unions an inter-union coordination of delegates elected
by workers. We have long been advancing a proposal for joint union action, coordinated but
verified with workers through the election of delegates, appointed based on the content of the
demands decided in a general assembly or even online where an assembly is not feasible. We
believe this united, bottom-up method we propose is a useful and necessary step to make effective
the declarations and/or participation in the struggle and in both company-level and general strikes
promoted by the various grassroots unions.
In conclusion, trade union freedom is not just the ability to form another union and have the right to
freedom of action without repression and/or discrimination. It’s also about having deductions from
wages, electing delegates, and holding paid assemblies. What’s missing is the workers’ right to
decide in a general assembly (of all) what demands to bring to the negotiating table and to the
government, and therefore to elect the negotiating delegation and be able to change it at any time
if it’s inadequate.
We also take this opportunity to offer all of our employees a “Think about your health” survey to
assess their experiences (available in several languages).
At the international level, we propose to focus more attention and conduct collective assessments
on ways to improve health, safety, and environmentally sustainable production. For our operations
in multinationals, we will exchange information, starting with some of the companies where we
operate: Piaggio, Honeywell, Xerox, Wood, Sandberg Silanos, and others.
We are members of the “International Trade Union Network” and are here in Chianciano to discuss
and learn. We believe it is essential to act internationally to defend the interests of workers in every
corner of the planet, transcending national barriers and borders. Because if capital is global, the
new wage labor movement, bringing an alternative to its crisis and reorganization, must be
international.
We thank those present at RSISL for the discussions we will have these days and we hope to
develop better and deeper relationships in the future.
info@sialcobas.it www.sialcobas.it
TEXT 2.
Summary sheet on the situation in Italy
In Italy, there are approximately 24 million employees, 3 million of whom are in the public sector
(with another 500,000 working in public service activities). They are also present in privatized or
consortium-run services (e.g., daycare centers, schools, healthcare, disability services, etc.) with
lower rights and wages. The remainder are divided between agriculture (1.5 million), industry
(approximately 5 million), and the remainder in commerce and services.
Companies with more than 15 employees are subject to a workers’ statute, which allows for the
election of union representatives and the right to 10 hours of paid assembly meetings for all
employees. Elected representatives are entitled to union leave, and those with more than 200
employees are also entitled to a fully equipped office.
Approximately 6 million work in small companies with fewer than 15 employees and no union rights
(no elections for delegates, union leave, or 10 hours of paid annual meetings).
The difficulty of unionizing and the worsening of wage and regulatory conditions are also due to the
continuous increase in hiring methods (47), from temporary work (a temporary agency) to staff
leasing (i.e., permanent employment through a temporary agency). Adding to precariousness are
part-time work (often involuntary). Gender differences are severely evident in part-time work: over
4 million people are employed, and 3 out of 4 are women. Fixed-term contracts represent 12.5% of
total employees, but 25% of them are young people up to 34 years old.
The Italian Constitution (Articles 39 and 40) provides for the freedom of union organization (votes
and membership) and to strike (there is no requirement for organizational strength to declare it, but
since 1990 there have been successive restrictions with guarantees of minimum services and
limits that are subject to the positions taken by the guarantee commission). ** In recent weeks, an
infringement measure has been issued against some unions (CGIL, COBAS, etc.) who have
declared a highly participated strike on October 3, 2025.
The current law requires signing a company/national contract to obtain additional union rights, and
the Constitutional Court has also ruled it unconstitutional in rulings in 2013 and 2025. Not all
unions within a company with members have the same rights. Employers and businesses can
choose who to invite to the bargaining table and access union rights (elections and delegate leave,
paid assembly, etc.). This effectively creates discrimination (between those with a strong
membership, strike participants, and, in short, a clear consensus among employees but who have
not signed union agreements, and the union itself is discriminated against) and workers deprived of
the right to have their chosen unions count.
The recent Constitutional Court ruling No. 156 of October 30, 2025, adds the criterion of a
“comparatively representative” union at the national level, but does not truly resolve the issue of
workers’ free choice. At the company level, workers have freely chosen other newly formed unions.
These unions may eventually reach the expected size, but should not be denied rights that impede
workers’ freedom of choice. A democratic law for electing workers’ union delegates and for trade
union freedoms continues to be lacking.
Over 1.2 million people voted for the RSU (United Union Representation) in the recent public
sector elections, with 135 unions running. The three trade unions—CGIL, CISL, and
UIL—garnered over 95% of the vote. The approximately 20 grassroots unions (including USB,
CUB, Cobas, etc.) received 55,000 votes and have 33,000 members by 2024.
The SIAL-Cobas union has been present with inter-union lists in the Municipality of Milan (within
the SLAI-Cobas list with ADL-Cobas and CUB) and in the Lombardy Region with the SIAL-Cobas
list (which also includes representatives of the S.I. Cobas). We are seeking and proposing the
practice of presenting a single list in the workplace and of engaging in inter-union activity in these
and other sectors. In the social cooperatives sector (school assistance and other), over the years
we have attempted inter-union activity that has led around a thousand workers to express their
opinions online on alternative demands. Some points have been only partially met by the
negotiating unions. A few fairly well-attended strikes have been called, but this initiative has been
stalled for some time. In the railway transport sector, protests and strikes are underway among
network employees and maintenance workers for train crews. These strikes are decided by
monthly online meetings open to all employees. The strike is then officially called by some unions
(CUB, SGB, USB, etc.). Even in these areas, the elections for union delegates have not been held
for years.
Almost every three years, valid elections are held in the public sector and in unionized industries
with a turnout of more than 50%+1 of the employees. In the public sector, unions eligible to
participate in the negotiations must have obtained at least 5% of the votes and members in their
respective agreements. The agreement is valid if signed by unions with more than 50%+1 of the
votes and members. This also applies to industry and commerce, where agreements similar to
those in the public sector are in place, with various limitations and impediments, including that only
the signatory unions can decide to initiate the first vote that includes all employees (once again,
workers are subject to the external decisions of the unions, which may not be in their best interest
to hold a universal vote).
In the banking sector, a vote involving all 250,000+ employees has never been held. The same is
true for many companies. In other cases, by union choice, both the CGIL, CISL, and UIL, and in
many cases even the so-called grassroots unions (CUB, COBAS, etc.), elect the RSA (Company
Union Representation), allowing only members to vote (without informing all employees) and
sometimes reaching union agreements that apply only to members.
Union membership and delegates in the private sector account for only 30% of the total, with
significant differences. The fragmentation of employer-led businesses can be seen in some data:
there were approximately 300 national agreements, now there are approximately 1,000. For
metalworkers, there were four (artisans, private industry, parastatal enterprises, and small
businesses), but now there are over 25. The largest agreement remains that of Confindustria-
Federmeccanica, which does not include the former FIAT (now Stellantis), CNH, and Ferrari, which
have separate agreements.
Workers’ wage conditions have worsened, as confirmed by numerous surveys, including the
OECD, which reports that since 1992, over 30 years, workers have lost 2.9% of their real value.
This is due to the abolition of wage indexation (the sliding wage scale was abolished in 1992-93)
and its replacement with national contracts tied to inflation set for a period (which was never
accurate and did not include arrears). This was followed, after several years, by separate
contracts. With the introduction of the “Factory Pact” in 2018 (Confindustria and CGIL, CISL, and
UIL), which serves as a guide, an adjustment is introduced using the European IPCANEI indicator,
but excluding the value of energy products and not retroactively, paid in June of the following year
(for example, for metalworkers). This results in a constant decline in the real value of wages, which
can never recover from real inflation. The rule isn’t applied to all contract renewals: in the public
sector, the separate contract (excluding CGIL, UIL, and USB) for ministerial employees saw
increases of 6% instead of the 17% recovery. Added to this are frequent missed renewals and
delays. And across various sectors and contracts, significant losses have been seen over the
decades.
An example for everyone at a comparative professional level: the contractual salary of a
metalworker (level 4) was 1,057.70 euros in 2000 and 1,989.38 in 2024, while the
employee/member with a social cooperative contract (level D1) earned 1,062.09 euros in 2000 and
1,605.99 in 2024, with a salary that was more than 380 euros per month lower than that of a
metalworker.
National bargaining and layoffs in historically unionized companies have led to lower wages: San
Raffaele Hospital employees were forced to switch from public to private healthcare contracts and
saw 99 improved company agreements terminated. After years of struggle, they had partially
recovered their public contracts, only to have them terminated again. A fight is underway to
demand equal economic and regulatory conditions compared to their public sector colleagues. In
some private companies, the termination of company agreements has resulted in a salary
difference of over €7,000 per year, despite workers with equal professional skills and often higher
education.
Therefore, we must focus on short-term wage indexation (in Italy, the frequency has been
bimonthly and quarterly) and retroactively, along with significant wage increases. To address
gender and lower-paid gaps (recent hires, young people), we must introduce inversely proportional
increases, not just the same for everyone (see the example of US auto contracts from a few years
ago). We must also support the proposal that, without contract renewal within the established
timeframe, a significant wage increase adjusted for price increases should automatically take
effect.
Company-level bargaining concerns public sector employment with limits on discriminatory and
differentiated redistribution (with individual report cards) among workers, but this is only possible
through savings achieved by cutting employees and services (see for example
https://multicobas.org/).
Company-level bargaining in private companies affects just over 20% of businesses and their staff.
Since 2016, it has been in place, with criteria for improving efficiency and productivity, etc., and
with tax exemptions for these portions of wages/benefits/welfare (on goods and services). These
exemptions have been 10%, 5%, and will be 1% in this 2026 budget law.
The failure to reform payroll taxes has resulted in €25 billion in increases in paychecks over the
past two years alone, but these have been channeled to the tax authorities (fiscal drainage),
without achieving any partial wage recovery. The government proposes a differentiated restitution
of approximately €2 billion for employees by 2026. To avoid demanding large wage increases from
employers and businesses, the CGIL, CISL, and UIL unions are calling for tax exemptions on wage
increases under national and company-level agreements (for the few that have them). SIAL-Cobas
opposes this because it would further deplete state coffers and cut social services. A progressive
tax reform and the fight against tax evasion are not currently on the union agenda, but that is the
path to take, along with cuts to business subsidies.
The public pension system remains in place, with ongoing limitations and devaluation of earnings,
compounded by the lengthening of working lives. Since the mid-1990s, contractual pension funds
have been established, with 10 million employees participating.
The SIAF (Register of Health Funds) lists 324 funds with diversified benefits, even within the same
contractual fund based on contributions. Approximately 16 million members are members of these
funds, including approximately 8 million employees and similar individuals (cooperative members,
etc.).
Pension and health funds divert workers with the illusion of earnings and additional contributions
from companies (derived from a lack of contractually agreed pay raises). Furthermore, they create
prestigious positions (boards of directors) and additional positions that are shared between
employers’ and workers’ unions. In addition to the general damage, however, additional costs are
borne by member workers.
Occupational health and safety and environmentally sustainable production have declined over the
years. In Italy, there continue to be more than three fatal accidents every day, along with many
others with serious and very serious consequences for workers’ health. Furthermore, many people
die and are disabled by occupational diseases, even though they are often not reported as such.
The health damage caused by the (capitalist) production system is increasingly widespread and
difficult to address. Added to the fatigue and risks of the last century are work-related stress,
burnout, and thousands of new chemical products with difficult-to-predict risks. Occupational
diseases are constantly increasing.
Controlling work schedules, thanks in part to digital technology, which allows technicians to
shoulder not only traditional workloads but also those of office workers, managers, and warehouse
workers, leads to increased workload and significant physical and mental fatigue. Even the normal
use of a mouse can cause carpal tunnel syndrome, which in the last century (and in some
situations still today) was caused by a manual or automatic screwdriver and the repetitive nature of
many workplaces.
Therefore, we propose a “Think about your health” survey among employees to assess their
experiences (available in several languages).
At the international level, we propose to focus more attention and conduct collective assessments
on ways to improve health, safety, and environmentally sustainable production. For our operations
in multinationals, we will exchange information, starting with some of the companies where we
operate: Piaggio, Honeywell, Xerox, Wood, Sandberg Silanos, and others.
We thank those present at RSISL for the discussions we will have these days and we hope to
develop better and deeper relationships in the future.
info@sialcobas.it www.sialcobas.it
TEXT 3
Presentation – Education Sector (Outsourced Services)
No more outsourcing and poor contracts: INTERNALIZATION
Overview of personal care services in Italy
The personal care service system encompasses several areas, which differ according to the
responsible public institution, but are linked in terms of the type of intervention for individuals and
the roles of those who carry them out: socio-educational, socio-health, and welfare services.
Nurseries, kindergartens, school assistance for students with disabilities, home care (for children,
the elderly, and people with disabilities), day and socio-educational centers, residential
communities for minors, day centers for people with disabilities, reception centers for migrants and
unaccompanied minors, supported housing, child protection services, and rehabilitation or
educational prison programs. The commissioning authority varies depending on the field:
Municipality, Region, Prefecture, or Ministry.
In addition to fully private services — managed by private companies and organizations with
private social sector contracts and fees paid by users (such as private nurseries, home care, or
support centers) — most public services, i.e., those accessed by citizens through municipal
social services, are now entrusted to private entities or third-sector organizations
(cooperatives, foundations, public special companies).
Management occurs through various outsourcing mechanisms: public tenders, direct awards
through agreements, or co-design partnerships between the public and private sectors.
For instance, consortium-based public special companies, which are particularly common in
Lombardy (the region where our trade union activity in the education sector is mainly
concentrated), jointly manage local public services — including educational ones — on behalf of
several municipalities.
Collective bargaining and fragmentation
The main public sector collective agreements are the CCNL for Local Authorities and Regions
and the CCNL for Public Health, now residual and largely replaced by private social sector
contracts such as the CCNL for Social Cooperatives (around 450,000 employees) and the
CCNL Uneba (around 135,000 employees). If these two, which are among the most
representative contracts, together cover almost 600,000 employees, it is reasonable to estimate —
despite the lack of precise data — that the workforce in outsourced socio-educational and socio-
health services amounts to around one million workers.
CCNL Social Cooperatives: gross base salary, level D2 (qualified educators): €1,727.83
gross × 14 months (14° salary at 100% from 2026)
CCNL Uneba: gross base salary, level 3S (qualified educators): €1,662.40 gross × 14
months
CCNL Local Authorities: gross entry-level salary for level D (senior professional category,
corresponding to qualified educators): €1,934.36 gross
In the socio-health and welfare sectors alone, there are 47 national contracts, 27 of which are
considered “pirate”.
In the private education sector, contracts such as Agidae, Aninsei, Fism, Aias, Anaste, and
Diaconia Valdese are also in force — all of them offering lower wages and fewer protections
than public sector contracts (Municipalities, Healthcare, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Justice).
School assistance services
In this area — where a large portion of the workers connected to the Intersyndical Network (ADL
COBAS, SIAL COBAS, CLAP, COBAS, CUB) are employed — there has been a long-standing
demand for internalization within the Ministry of Education and the application of the
“Education and Research” CCNL to educational staff, just as for teachers.
This demand stands as an alternative to the legislative proposals currently under discussion in
Parliament, which foresee partial and insufficient internalization mechanisms, shifting the
responsibility onto local authorities that are increasingly in financial deficit due to continuous cuts
in social spending.
Fragmentation and its impact on service users
Educational work is becoming increasingly outsourced, precarious, and fragmented, characterized
by poor contracts and conditions that push many workers to leave the sector.
Common issues include: hourly net wages below €10, involuntary part-time contracts, misuse of
time banks, unpaid passive night shifts, inadequate and unsafe facilities.
Added to this are unrecognized trade union rights, in stark contrast to public bodies, where
union representation (RSU workplace committees) is stronger, along with high levels of stress and
turnover.
The sector suffers from severe fragmentation, worsened by government cuts to local authorities
and social spending. Uneven training (different educational qualifications across regions), multiple
collective contracts, isolated work practices, and limited collegiality make it difficult to organize and
defend rights.
It is no coincidence that many self-organized trade union or quasi-union initiatives have
emerged outside workplaces, through assemblies and territorial networks. The proliferation of
contracts contributes to dividing the workforce — a stark contrast with the metalworking sector,
where more than 1.5 million workers (mostly in small and medium enterprises) are covered by a
single national collective contract.
Moreover, various professional associations promote corporate and exclusionary battles (such
as the creation of professional registers or partial recognition of qualifications and categories) that
further fragment the sector and hinder more inclusive and universalist trade union action.
The Sial Cobas experience: a labor dispute in Northern Milan For years we have been
engaged in the struggle to bring outsourced services back into the public sector, ensuring
recognition of an appropriate national collective agreement. This is part of a broader national
movement in Italy, marked by alternating phases of mobilization and trade union initiatives.
In the summer of 2025, in the northern outskirts of Milan, a new dispute began involving workers
from three different unions and a consortium-based public company uniting 4 municipalities and
about 200 employees (nurseries, day centers for people with disabilities, and other services).
Let’s unite against precarization and outsourcing Our struggle is trade union, cultural, and
political: to reaffirm the dignity of educational work and the centrality of public service.
The precarization and outsourcing of care work also harm service users — “those who work with
marginality become marginal themselves. ”Working conditions directly affect the quality of services
and the lives of those who depend on them. For this reason, we reaffirm the urgency of building
social and cross-sector alliances, beyond professional boundaries, to jointly defend rights,
wages, and the dignity of public work.
